Wednesday, April 7, 2010

Arakanese Worker in Malaysia Electrocuted

4/6/2010

By Khaing Khaing Zan, Dhaka:
An Arakanese migrant worker died in Malaysia on Sunday after suffering electrocution, said the victim's brother Ko Soe Aung.

"My brother Maung Myint Soe died on Sunday while showering in the bathroom after being shocked by electricity. He was sent to the hospital immediately after the accident but we were unable to save him," he said.

Maung Myint Soe, aged 30, was working in a factory in Joho Baru City in Malaysia when the accident occurred along with his two brothers, one elder and one younger.

"I am deeply worried for my mother. She may be overwrought with stress when she receives the information of my brother's death," said the youngest brother Ko Soe Lun Tun.

Maung Myint Soe hailed from Kala Chaung Village in Rathidaung Township, 20 miles north of the Arakan State capital Sittwe.

Word of the incident has been conveyed to the factory owner in order to get just compensation for the family, but the owner has yet to reply to the request, the brother said.
http://www.narinjara.com/details.asp?id=2547

Tuesday, April 6, 2010

Indian High Commissioner Delivers Ford Lecture

Tuesday, 2 February, 2010
HE Nalin Surie

On 1 February 2010, HE Nalin Surie, India's High Commissioner to the UK delivered the Ford Lecture. Below is the transcript.

Alfred Brush Ford Lecture by the High Commissioner of India to the UK, Mr. Nalin Surie,
at the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies

Shifting Roles and Challenges in the New Decade

Thank you for inviting me to speak to you. It is indeed a great privilege to be asked to deliver the Alfred Brush Ford lecture.

As we enter the second decade of the 21st century I thought it would be pertinent and useful to look back at the past decade; see whether we can learn some lessons from what happened, where we went wrong and then try to visualise where we are headed. In effect, I would like to present to you an idea of what could be the principal foreign policy challenges confronting the international community and within that, the role that each of our countries would need to play.

I presume that this lecture and the discussion that would follow will conform to the Chatham House rules. I must also clarify that what I am going to say to you does not necessarily represent the position of my government.

If one goes by the international media reports over the years and of late, it is easy to arrive at one set of trends and outcomes. Regrettably, however, these so-called trends and outcomes often hide what has happened, and is happening in large swathes of the world. What is often described as the “international community’s view” represents the views of a small minority of the strong and articulate countries, not necessarily the views of the international community which is often not consulted but whose thought processes have been influenced by the incessant bombardment of media reports. You may ask whether this matters. It does, especially to those nations and peoples who are not included, fully or partially, in the decision making processes that govern the international political, financial and security structures as they exist today.

The terrorist attacks of 9/11 in New York and Washington and their aftermath have to a large extent dominated the international security agenda in the first decade of the 21st century. The question arises, however, whether this scourge has been appropriately addressed and met the concerns of those most affected. Cross-border terrorism, which countries like India had been battling singlehandedly for almost two decades by then, suddenly became an “international” issue, very much on top of the world community’s agenda.

The war in Iraq was perhaps the issue second most in focus and has had both intended and unintended consequences. The final outcome there is still not clear. It is work in progress. I might add that the future of Iraq is of critical importance to India. We have civilisational, historical and economic links with that country. It is part of the Gulf region which is vastly important to India.

Even closer to us in India, is the NATO led on-going campaign in Afghanistan to destroy the Al-Qaeda and to prevent the Taliban from regaining power in that country and to ensure that Afghanistan is henceforth governed as a plural democracy and a moderate Islamic state. The war in Iraq has had a major impact on the ground situation in Afghanistan. The most recent outcome of that is the decision to enhance the ISAF’s presence in Afghanistan and to draw up ways and means of better integrating the security, political and economic dimensions of the international community’s assistance to Afghanistan in achieving the objectives that I have referred to earlier. It is our hope and expectation that the international community will stay the course in Afghanistan if the war against terrorism is to be genuinely and effectively waged.

While the international community focused on the major security issues of the decade, a crisis of unprecedented proportions was brewing in the international financial system. This time, the crisis erupted from within the heart of the capitalist system and unlike in the 1990s not in its periphery. The international economy faced a situation of “Great Depression proportions” but unlike in the 1930s, the international community, in the guise of the G-20, took short term measures to resolve the immediate impact. These measures have had some success and growth impetuses are visible. The causes, however, still need to be addressed and the effectiveness of the G-20 global economic compact will now be tested in the years ahead. It will also be revealed whether the G-8 are genuinely willing to share economic power with the other members of the G-20, i.e., the G-12 plus.

While much is made of the impact of the recent global financial and economic crisis on the developed world, the impact on developing countries is not adequately recognised. Many of these countries have perhaps been hit even harder than the worst affected developed countries and any solutions that we arrive at, must address their rejuvenation as much as that of other economies.

Even as the post-cold war world attempted to address the four basic challenges I have referred to, the old problems that seriously impact international peace and security remained intractable. I refer here for instance to the situation in the Middle-East and the Palestine, the DPRK nuclear issue, Somalia, and a host of other crises that continue to simmer in different parts of the world.

The first decade of the 21st century also saw some major politico-economic developments which will impact the future. In these I include the expansion of the European Union to 27. Indeed, the EU is likely to become even larger by the end of the second decade of the 21st century. While the expansion of the area of democracy in Europe is a very welcome development, it is our hope that the expansion of the European Union will not lead to the Union becoming more inward oriented and increasingly preoccupied with the processes of integration rather than reaching out to the world and becoming a genuine pole in the increasingly multi-polar world.

The processes of integration have not been limited to Europe. In South America, UNASUR is evolving in a reasonably sure footed manner. ASEAN, the East Asian community, and SAARC continue to expand their spheres of cooperation and the African Union is determined to play a larger role in weaving together the genius and strengths of Africa, a continent that is so rich in diversity, resources and untapped potential that it can alone help rejuvenate the world economy. The mosaic of sub-regional and regional free trade arrangements has grown across most parts of the world. This has both positive and negative aspects.

There were other positive signs and developments during the first decade of the 21st century. While the advanced capitalist economies grew at relatively low rates, the emerging economies of Asia, Latin America and many in Africa grew at a much more rapid pace. The story of China, India and Brazil’s growth is well documented, but that of other countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa is not so well-known.

The post-economic and financial crisis situation and the growth trends earlier referred to have led to many analysts predicting, and increasingly speaking of, a shift in the centre of gravity of economic power in the coming decades ,especially towards Asia. It is our belief that this shift will cover not only Asia but also Latin America and important segments of Africa.

Let me now come back to some other negative aspects of the first decade of the 21st century.

The inability to arrive at a legally binding agreement at the Copenhagen Climate Change Conference in December 2009, based on the UNFCCC, the Kyoto Protocol and the Bali consensus, and the unfinished business of the Doha Development Round of WTO have demonstrated that the developed world can no longer impose its agenda on the developing world to suit the situation of specific countries. Treaty and contractual obligations have to be fulfilled; goal posts cannot be changed at will.

The global economic and financial crisis has had its own major impact on the resolution of these two critical issues viz, the Doha Development Round and Climate Change, thus making the process of negotiations and the search for a meaningful consensual outcome more complicated.

To complete the cycle, I must also refer to some of the other major crises that showed up in the first decade of the 21st century, namely, lack of predictable and sustainable energy supply, food supply difficulties in many developing countries, and inadequate water availability and management. Pandemics have also been in focus. In a world that has seen the pace of globalisation grow at a rapid pace and where interdependence has grown to the extent of making some earlier hypothesis irrelevant, the need to find global solutions that are equitable and just is greater than it was before.

What then is the scenario that policy makers find they must address in the second decade of the 21st century:-

i. The fight against terrorism is far from over. The recent episode of the Nigerian bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab is a case in point.

ii. Iraq is far from settled.

iii. AfPak is now recognised as the epicentre of terrorism, particularly the latter, and the international community’s search for a solution is confused. This is partly because strategic allies and strategic problems are seen by some as being interchangeable. Others see the issue as being distant.

iv. The situation in the Middle-East and the Palestine remains unresolved. Somalia, and now Yemen, continue to be/are in turmoil; the DPRK issue continues to simmer and the spread of fundamentalist forces remains a challenge.

v. Secular growth in the advanced economies has yet to take root. Deficits incurred to buy a short term way out of the financial crisis have to be financed. There is a danger that we may ignore the fundamental problems and go back to business as usual solutions once the recovery and major stock markets regain momentum.

vi. The new international financial architecture is not yet in place; the underlying problems have not yet been addressed though the G-20 is hard at work on them.

vii. There is still lack of consensus on issues such as climate change, the Doha Development Round and energy security. These brook no further delay.

viii. The international political architecture is still representative of the situation that pertained at the end of World War II.

ix. The gap in growth rates between the advanced economies and the emerging economies is growing. The number of the latter is also expanding.

x. Multi-polarity, which for Indian foreign policy has been an act of faith and the underlying philosophy since our Independence, is becoming a reality but is still inadequately and grudgingly recognised by those who have got so used to controlling the international political, economic and security structures; and

xi. Regional integration processes continue to strengthen.

The above is not the full picture but represents a fair proportion on a canvas that would be drawn up for our purpose. It would seem from this picture that we are burdened with a situation that is beyond our capacity to address and resolve. But that is definitely not the case and there is no need to be pessimistic. Indeed pessimism would only compound the difficulties that we need to address. With the advances in technology and the growth of the knowledge sector in many parts of the world, especially in the emerging economies, it is optimism and the opportunities that the future holds that outweigh negative tendencies. It is these very factors that should also strengthen the forces of optimism in these countries most affected by the current financial and economic crises.

The war against international terrorism has to be waged in a more determined manner. In the last few years we have seen a very real enhancement in the cooperation amongst nations in this uphill task. Yet, as recent events have demonstrated, international cooperation to ensure success has still a long way to go. It is important that we do not lose focus of the overall objective, i.e., the elimination of international terrorism. It is not enough for any one country to try and insulate itself from this menace. This war cannot be unifocal. There is no good terrorist and there is no acceptable terrorist. Terrorism must be fought on all fronts and equally. The policy of zero tolerance must apply across the board.

The war against terrorism cannot be allowed to become a de facto clash of civilisations. Terrorism represents a most fundamental denial of human rights and is therefore unacceptable under any circumstances.

It is worth reiterating that this menace (of terrorism) is growing and becoming more sophisticated. Terrorists today have better communications, better equipment and specialised warfare knowledge. They are being equipped to ensure long term survival.

A just resolution of the Palestine issue has to be achieved on the basis of U.N. Security Council resolutions and subsequent peace proposals.

A genuine, internationally coordinated effort focusing on infrastructure development, technology transfer, clean energy generation, education and human resource development can help generate new and major growth impulses in the developing world that will not only help these economies speed ahead, but indeed also assist advanced economies emerge from their current difficult economic situation to one of secular growth.

For a world that has recovered from two World Wars, the waste of resources during the Cold War and is blessed with new technology and knowledge centres, the challenges we face are quite certainly surmountable. But, peace and security in the world cannot be realised if there is further growth in disparities between the haves and have-nots. What is necessary is to recognise and adjust to the new political and economic realities and give up the old balance of power approach which still regrettably dominates the thinking in many decision making centres in the world. This requires a genuine mindset change and a new political, economic and financial architecture that is truly reflective of beneficial interdependence and globalisation.

That is the real challenge that foreign policy makers face in the second decade of the 21st century. I believe that there is enough wisdom and good sense in the chancelleries of the world to ensure that this happens. It is also from institutions such as yours, which influence policy makers and which create future policy makers that such change can come from.

Shifts in centres of influence are a fact of history and will continue to happen. What is of critical importance is to ensure that these shifts happen in a peaceful manner and benefit all equally.

We in India are optimistic about the future. The young constitute about 70% of our population, and it is their dynamism that is leading us forward. It is that dynamism that we are harnessing within the parameters of our secular, plural and democratic polity. We thus face our future and that of the world with confidence.
http://www.ochs.org.uk/news/indian-high-commissioner-delivers-ford-lecture

Indian Motorbikes Popular in Arakan

3/22/2010

By Takaloo, Sittwe

Indian motorcycles are currently gaining popularity among riders in western Burma's Arakan State, where most of the bikes currently in use are of Thai and Chinese manufacturing.

A bike dealers from Arakan's capital Sittwe said that the newly imported Indian bikes were well designed, strong, and fit for the roads in Arakan.

"New imported Indian motorbikes at present are very popular among the customers because the bikes are excellent in design, strong, and can be used roughly - very suitable for the roads in Arakan State," said the dealer.

According to the dealer, the Bajaj Pulsar and Yamaha ZE are the most popular Indian bikes among his customers. He said the bikes are currently the most expensive in Arakan State, and the demand would increase if authorities reduced taxes and license fees being imposed.

"So many customers come to ask about these motorcycles, but it is not so easy for them to buy because one bike costs 30 lakh kyats and above, and are the most expensive on the market. If authorities would reduce the taxes and license fees, the demand would increase beyond that for Thai and Chinese bikes," he added.

The bikes are being imported from Bangladesh and 100,000 to 150,000 kyats in tax are being levied by the POE Nasaka gate in Maungdaw on the western Burmese border. Another 750,000 to 900,000 kyats must be paid to the road transport authority in Sittwe to obtain a license.

Chinese and Thai bikes cost only about 20 lakh kyats, as they are being taxed at 30,000 to 50,000 kyats depending on the model, and are charged only 300,000 to 600,000 kyats in license fees.

Most of the motorbikes currently in use in Arakan State were manufactured in Thailand and China.

According to the dealer, the Thai and Chinese bikes are unsuitable for riding in between cities in Arakan State because their frames are two week to handle the poor roads. However, the authority still began imposing a mandatory license for inter-state travel with high fees at the beginning of this year.
http://www.narinjara.com/details.asp?id=2530

Monday, April 5, 2010

No Arakanese Among Registered Political Parties

4/2/2010

Sittwe:
Five political parties have registered with the Election Commission since the election law was issued by the junta authorities on 8 March, but there are no Arakanese political parties among them.

The five political parties that registered are the 88 Generation students Union of Myanmar, the Union of Myanmar Federation of National Politics, the National Unity Party, the Democratic Party ( Myanmar), and the Kayin People’s Party (KPP).

U Nyo , a politician from Sittwe said, "I heard some political parties would be formed very soon in Arakan State to register with the Election Commission, but none have registered yet."

The political parties that are now preparing to officially form in Arakan State are pro-military junta and have connection with government authorities.

"In the 1990 election, many independent political parties emerged in Arakan State like the ALD, MKNSO, ANDP, KNLD and ADPHR, but with this year's election there have been no independent political parties in Arakan State. Politicians believe the election will not serve real and independent political parties in Burma and will only be useful for pro-junta political parties," U Nyo said.

In Arakan State some parties, including the Union of Myanmar National Political Forces - Rakhine State led by Aye Khying, and the USDA Rakhine State Party led by senior retired army officer Kyaw Zan Hla, are preparing to form political parties among the people but these parties are close to the current military authorities.

Most political parties that registered in the 1990 election in Arakan State are planning to boycott this current election due to the unjust election laws and the 2008 constitution.

In the 1990 election, over 20 political parties registered with the election commission as independent parties, but this year no more than five political parties in Arakan have registered.

"Everybody knows the election is created by the junta authority for the pro-junta party to win and it is not an opportunity for political parties like the NLD and the ALD. So the politicians in Arakan State are unwilling to form political parties for the election because the election is useless for Burmese people and democracy," U Nyo concluded.
http://www.narinjara.com/details.asp?id=2544

Eyes on Burma as India prepares talks with militants

4/3/2010

Nava Thakuria:
The military ruled Burma (Myanmar) emerges as an important actor on the projected peace talks between the Union government of India and the banned militant group, United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA). An active and influential underground outfit of Northeast India, the ULFA is fighting New Delhi for its core demand of sovereignty for Assam (out of India). The three decades old armed outfit is understood to be responsible for the killing of thousands of people in the State.

The militant outfit reportedly runs few training camps inside the jungles of northern Burma. The cadres of ULFA are using those hideouts, mostly in Sagaing division and Kachin province of Burma, for many years. New Delhi is worried about the hideouts, which have been used by many Northeast militants, and pursuing the military government in Rangoon (now Nay Pie Taw) to take actions against those militants. However the Burmese junta is yet to initiate for an affective approach to the problem, though they had not hesitated to play tricks with the Indian government for their selfish interest time to time.

The Indian Home Minister P Chidambaram, responsible for domestic law and order situation, expressed hope that the Burmese army would launch crack down operation against the Northeastern militants taking shelter inside that country.

In his recent visit to Itanagar, the Tibet and Burma bordering Indian State of Arunachal Pradesh, Chidambaram asserted that the militants using the forests of northern Burma as their hide outs remain security threat to India.

New Delhi still believes that ULFA’s military chief Paresh Barua is hiding some where in Burma-China border. The notorious militant leader, as the Indian security agency claims, had recently left Bangladesh for hiding in Burma. Barua might had come to know about the change of Dhaka’s heart towards New Delhi that finally resulted in deporting some top ULFA leaders to India (from Bangladesh) recently.

Meanwhile, in response to the voices of local people, the Assam government is tying to create a peaceful ambience. Recently Dispur played an important role in the release of two top ULFA leaders. Following the government’s submissions at the designated TADA court in Guwahati on February 16 that Dispur had no objection if ULFA vice-chairman Pradip Gogoi and publicity secretary Mithinga Daimary were given bail, both were granted the same on February 23 last. The court only directed them not to leave Guwahati without prior information and asked them to report to local police stations if they had to leave for their home towns.

The local media remains speculative but positive about the talks. Similarly, various socio-political and advocacy groups of the State came out with their official statements that they want the peace as early as possible. They are unanimous that the common people can not afford the insurgency turned terrorism for decades. Rather they want development and prosperity in a peaceful ambience.

During his latest visit to Northeast, the Indian Union home secretary GK Pillai expressed hope that ULFA leaders would attend the talks. He even clarified that New Delhi would not insist on a formal letter from the outfit expressing its eagerness for discussion.

Mentionable that, the issue of a formal letter from the ULFA leaders remained a major hurdle for the talks between the government and the underground outfit. The Indian Union home minister P Chidambaram had earlier asked for such a letter and the Assam chief minister supported him.

Talking about Paresh Barua, the home secretary Pillai disclosed that he was plying somewhere along the Kachin-China border. He also confirmed that New Delhi had reiterated its request to the Burmese junta to flush out the Northeastern militants from their soil. He expected that Burma would soon launch the operation against the militants.

But the Indian government made it clear that it would go for talks with the militant outfit even without the presence of hard-liner Paresh Barua.

New Delhi maintains that it would continue its effort to bring all the left out ULFA leaders to the negotiation table, who want to talk to the government under the parameters of Indian constitution, in the coming days.
http://www.narinjara.com/details.asp?id=2546

Wednesday, March 3, 2010

Arakanese Singers Debut in Bangladesh

Arakanese Singers Debut in Bangladesh
3/3/2010
Cox’sbazar : Six famous Arakanese singers and one keyboardist from Burma performed in Bangladesh for the first time with a three-night stage show in Cox's Bazar in southern Bangladesh from 25 to 27 February.

The singers are Mrat Khaing Kyaw, U Maung Thein, Myo Rakhine, Re Hlaing Pyr, and Waddy Soe Moe from Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State. Myo Min Lay is an expert keyboard player who also performed.

Singer U Maung Thein said, "We had never been in Bangladesh before to perform such concerts. We were happy to get the chance to perform for our Arakanese people who are living in Bangladesh during the three nights' stage shows."

Thousands from the Arakanese community in Bangladesh, primarily youth, attended the performance.

The performance was held at the Abyathuka Htit Kyin Daung Pagoda religious festival in Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh. The festival is usually held on the full moon day of the month of Tabound on the Arakanese calendar.

A youth from Cox's Bazar said, "We were happy to get the chance to participate in the concert. It was a great performance for the Arakanese community in Bangladesh and I had never seen such a concert before. It is the first time Arakanese singers came to Bangladesh to perform a stage show."

The singers traveled to Bangladesh on seven-day visas that were issued by Bangladesh authorities and they traveled from Arakan in a ferry boat across the Naff River, entering the country at the Maungdaw - Teknaf border point.

Burma's border security force, Nasaka, also issued permission for the singers to perform at the festival in Bangladesh.

Re Hlaing Pyr, a female singer, told Narinjara in an interview, "It was a wonderful performance for me because there was a large number of Rakhine people joining in the concert. I did not think before that such a number of Rakhines were living in Bangladesh. I am happy I met many Rakhines in Bangladesh."

A 17-member traditional Arakanese dance team from Maungdaw on the western Burmese border also performed at the festival along with the Arakanese singers.
http://www.narinjara.com/details.asp?id=2498

Monday, December 21, 2009

The Ancient Capital of Rakhine State

The Ancient Capital of Rakhine State
Mrauk-U (Myo Haung) is another interesting historical site in Rakhine, fast becoming a tourist attraction. Mrauk-U was founded in 1430 AD and flourished till 1785 as recorded in its history. Known as the Golden City by foreign travelers of the era it was a focus of trade due to its strategic on the coastal region of Bay of Bengal. Many historical sites such as the old palace grounds and ancient pagodas principally Shitthoung Pagoda (Eighty thousand pagodas), the old city of Vesali, the Mahamuni Image of Kyauktaw offers a glimpse into the Rakhine history.
A new tourist site which is becoming increasingly more popular in recent years is the old capital of Rakhine (Arakan) called Mrauk-U. Some of the local people refer to it as Myo ( or Mro) Haung, the old city. It was first constructed by the Rakhine King Min_Saw Mon in 1430 AD, and remained its capital for 355 years until 1784 when the Rakhine Kingdom ceased to exist as a separate entity and became an integral part of the Myanmar Kingdom.
The Golden City of Mrauk-U became known in Europe as a city of oriental splendor after Friar Sebastian Manrique visited the area for about (8) years between 1629 to 1637 AD and though he was a Portuguese Augustinian missionary he wrote his fascinating "Travels" in Spanish and published it as a book in 1649 and 1653. Father Manrique's vivid account of the coronation of King Thiri_Thudhamma in 1635 and about the Rakhine Court and intrigues of the Portuguese adventurers fired the imagination of later authors, especially after an English translation was published by the Hakluyt Society in 1927 in 2 volumes. In Volume One of this English translation we can read the intriguing account of Rakhine in mid-17th century. Manrique wrote of his astonishment when he was shown a pair of pendant ear-rings, set with priceless rubies as large as a small hen's egg. He said when he beheld these kyauk-nagats he could scarcely fix his eyes on them due to the radiant splendor they cast; he just stood amazed. In the markets also he saw "being sold in abundance, diamonds rubies, sapphires, emeralds, topazes, gold and silver in plates and bars, tin and zinc, which were very difficult to get in his home country.


It was the English author Maurice Collis who made Mrauk-U and Rakhine famous after his book The Land of the Great Image based on Friar Manrique's travels in Arakan, was published in 1942. The Great Image is of course, the Maha Muni Buddha Image which is now in Mandalay, though originally it was made and venerated in this area about 15 miles from Mrauk-U where another Maha Muni Buddha Image flanked by two other Buddha images is now worshipped. You can visit this place also on the hillock called Sirigutta, about (6) miles east of Kyauktaw town.


How to get there
About ten years ago it was difficult to travel to this area but you can easily visit Mrauk-U now. From Yangon there are daily flights to Sittway the capital of Rakhine State. There are Travel and Tour Companies in Yangon and Sittway which operate tours to Mrauk-U and the surrounding area.


In Sittway you should visit the newly built Rakhine State Cultural Museum and Library and the Buddhist Museum where many interesting antiquities of Rakhine's colorful past are on display.

From Sittway to Mrauk-U you can take a boat on the Kaladan River and then go into some of its tributary streams. Mrauk-U, on Thinghanadi creek is only 45 miles from Sittway and the sea coast. It is a very pleasant river journey. If you are visiting in the winter months you can see flocks of wild geese, ducks and other migrating waterfowl. To the east of the old city is the famous Kiccapanadi stream and far away the Lemro River. The city area used to have a network of canals.

In Mrauk-U itself you can visit the Archaeological Museum which is near the Palace Site. This site is right in the centre of Mrauk-U which was built in a strategic location by leveling three small hills. Recently the Archaeology Department has been excavating the Palace Site which was occupied by Rakhine Kings for over two hundred years.
Even the pagodas are strategically located on hilltops and look like fortresses as indeed they were once used as such in times of enemy intrusion. There are moats, artificial lakes and canals and the whole area could be flooded to deter or repulse attackers.


There are innumerable pagodas and Buddha images all over the old city and the surrounding hills. Some are still being used as places of worship today; many in ruins are now being restored to their original splendor. You should at least visit some; the most famous and well worth seeing are the Shitthaung, the Andaw, the Dukkhan Thein (Sima or Ordination Hall), the Koethaung, the Laymyetnha and the Shwe Daung pagodas.

The Shitthaung or "temple of the 80,000 Buddhas" is a fascinating place full of small images, scenes in sculpture of Buddhist stories with the kings and queens, courtiers and common people portrayed in their mediaeval costumes and head-dresses, all frozen in stone throughout the ages. You should take a good torch-light to examine the myriad interesting scenes and figures lining the dark corridors of this temple. You can see some Rakhine men boxing and wrestling, some girls dancing and playing, and then there are also the mythical birds, beasts and half-human celestials and demons. Try and find the figures of both the male and female Vasundhra/ Vasundhari symbolizing the God /Goddess of the Earth.

The Shitthaung Pagoda, located about half a mile to the north of the palace site was built by one of the most powerful kings of the Mrauk-U Dynasty, called by the people, Minbargyi, but according to records on inscriptions as King Minbin who reined from 1513 to 1553. The king built this fortress-temple after repulsing a Portuguese attack. The Portuguese mercenaries later served under Rakhine kings. There was also surprisingly an elite corp of Japanese bodyguards protecting the kings of Rakhine.

The Andaw (meaning the tooth relic of Buddha) is a pagoda only 86 feet to the north-east of the Shitthaung Pagoda. Built by King Min Hla Raza in 1521 it is said to enshrine the tooth relic received from a Sri Lankan king by King Minbin.

This temple is a hollow octagonal building made of pure sandstone blocks; there are two internal concentric passages, with a prayer hall on the east. Like other temples it is on a small hillock.
Visitors should see the frescoes giving detailed portrayals of life in the Mrauk-U court; these frescoes are found in Laymyetnha and the Shwe Daung Pagoda. Laymyetnha Pagoda was built by King Min Saw Mon in 1430 AD as one of the original pagodas at the time of the founding of Mrauk-U. The name of the Pagoda means "Four faced" as there are four entrances to this square sandstone structure with a central solid stupa 80 feet high. There are 28 Buddha images as mentioned in the Sambuddha scripture.


The Shwe Daung pagoda or the "Golden Hill Pagoda" is also believed to have been built by King Minbin between the years 1531-1553. It is a landmark pagoda as it is the tallest in this area and can be seen as far away as 20 miles from the main Kaladan River. The hill itself is 250 feet high and is about half a mile to the south-east of the Palace Site. It is a solid stupa with a circular base. During the First Anglo-Burmese War, 1824-26, the Myanmar forces built earthen fortifications on this hill and mounted guns which inflicted heavy losses on the British forces. Some of these fortifications can still be seen today.

Standing on a plain of rice fields is the Koethaung Pagoda; the name means 90,000 and probably signified the number of Buddha images it was supposed to contain. It was built by King Min Taikkha, the son of King Min Bin who built the Shitthaung or temple of 80,000 images, so the son exceeded the father by 10,000! It is the biggest pagoda in the Mrauk-U area. Like the Shitthaung, this pagoda is also a massive fortress-like structure built with stone walls and terraces. There are 108 smaller pagodas surrounding it, all made of sandstone. With a winding corridor it is like a cave tunnel which you have to traverse until you reach the central chamber. The inner gallery has collapsed and is no longer accessible. There is an octagonal pagoda in the middle surrounded by over one hundred smaller pagodas. Unlike some of the other temples, not only sandstone, but bricks were also used in this pagoda.

Apart from the pagodas, visitors should not miss seeing the Ordination Hall, Htukkan Thein, and the exquisite little library the Pitakataik. Htukkan (or Dukkhan) Thein is located about 300 feet to the north-west of Shitthaung Pagoda. Built in 1571 by King Min Phalaung it is on a hillock 30 feet high, with two stone stair ways (8) feet broad on the east and south.
No longer used as an Ordination Hall, it is now one of the well-known pagodas of Mrauk-U. There is a long vaulted passageway which leads to the central shrine room which is 15 feet in height. This room is said to be the place where the Buddhist Archbishop used to sit to discuss religious affairs with Senior Monks. See the seated stone ladies preserving in sculpture the ancient hair-styles, among the many other interesting figures. There are also 140 niches with Buddha images.

The little library or Pitaka-taik, the Repository for the Buddhist scriptures was built in 1591 also by King Min Phalaung. It measures only 14 feet from east to west, 10 feet from north to south and is only 9 feet in height. Built entirely of stone there are lovely designs on the outer walls making it look like a tiny jeweled casket shaped like a blooming lotus. There were 48 libraries in Mrauk-U but only this one is preserved, though it is sometimes obscured by thickets of bushes and partly covered by moss and weeds which flourish in the 200" of annual rainfall in the region.

This library is reputed to have housed 30 sets of the Buddhist Tipitaka which King Narapatigyi (1638-1645) received from Sri Lanka. Unfortunately it acquired an unpleasant appellation due to its dark windowless interior. It is now known as Chin-kite library, Chin-kite meaning mosquito-bite. The Rakhine people say that Chin-kite is a Myanmar mispronunciation of the Rakhine word Khraung kaik, the name of the city wall which is close to the north of the library. If you have difficulty in finding this library asks for the Htupayon Pagoda as it is just north of this pagoda.
The artificial, man-made lakes named Anomakan and Letsekan on the southern part of Mrauk-U were once part of the defense system. They are now peaceful havens for visitors as well as for the local people, and for animals, birds and fish. Letsekan is (3) miles in length and half a mile wide. Some of the old city walls can also be seen.
The Portuguese and other Europeans were given a separate quarter at Mrauk U, only about half a mile west of the palace site. The place is called Daingripet and this place for the European settlement is on the other bank of Aungdat creek. The old church built by Father Manrique, now in ruins, can still be seen in this place. It is near the Daingri tank built by King Ba Saw Phyu (1459-1482).

Rakhine has other historical sites which are earlier than Mrauk U, at Vesali, only 6 miles to the north, and at Launggret a little further away, but easily reached by car in about half an hour.

If you are interested in spectacular places of historical interest and natural beauty Mrauk-U is the place. There are now comfortable hotels and guest houses where you can stay while exploring this ancient land, which was once a seat of oriental splendor.

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